The Water Wars: California’s Surf Break Erosion and the Government Programs That Made It Worse
How State and Federal Policies Have Damaged California’s Best Waves While Claiming to Protect Them
Bohiney Magazine | The London Prat
The surf break at Surfrider Beach in Malibu has been deteriorating for decades, and the causes are not natural. The damming of rivers that supply sand to the coast, the construction of breakwaters and jetties that interrupt the littoral drift of sand along the coast, the coastal armoring that prevents cliff erosion from supplying the beach sand that would otherwise replace what the waves carry offshore — all of these are the consequences of human engineering decisions, largely made by government agencies, that have altered the natural sediment budget of the California coast in ways that are degrading some of the state’s most iconic surf breaks while protecting the private property and public infrastructure that the natural processes would otherwise affect.
The Sand Budget and Its Politics
California’s coastal sediment budget — the balance between the sand that enters the coastal system from rivers and cliff erosion and the sand that leaves through offshore transport — is significantly negative in many areas because of human interventions that have reduced sediment inputs. The dams on the rivers that drain to the coast have trapped the sand that would otherwise reach the beach. The coastal protection structures have armored the cliffs and bluffs that once eroded to supply sand. And the dredging operations that maintain navigable harbors pump sand offshore rather than returning it to the littoral system.
The Army Corps of Engineers, the state Department of Water Resources, the port authorities, and the Army Corps are the institutions whose decisions have collectively produced this sand deficit, through actions that were individually rational from an engineering perspective and collectively damaging from a coastal systems perspective. The libertarian critique is specific: the government agencies that created the damage are not fully accountable for it, the costs of the damage are distributed to the surfers and beachgoers who have no contract with the agencies that made the decisions, and the remediation that would restore the sand budget is the responsibility of the same agencies that created the deficit, funded by the same taxpayers who have already paid for the damage once.
What Can Be Done
Sand bypassing operations — pumping sand from the harbors and inlets where it accumulates around the littoral drift disruptions and depositing it downdrift on the beaches where it would naturally arrive — are the primary engineering response to the sand deficit problem. California has several operating sand bypassing operations, and they work: the beaches they supply maintain sand while the beaches without bypassing continue to narrow. The question is scale and funding: the comprehensive sand bypassing programme that California’s coast requires is significantly larger and more expensive than the current operations, and the political process that would fund it has to allocate resources among competing claims on the state budget in a political environment where beach sand is not a priority constituency.
The Political Economy of Sand
The sand budget deficit is a particularly clear example of how government decisions impose costs on parties who had no voice in the decision-making and no contract with the agencies that made the decisions. The farmers and municipalities that lobbied for dam construction in the 20th century received the water storage and flood control they sought. The surfers and beachgoers who now face narrowing beaches and degraded breaks received none of the benefits of dam construction and bear significant costs from it. This is the classic problem of uncompensated externalities: costs imposed on third parties by decisions that benefited others. The libertarian analysis of this situation is not anti-environmental but pro-accountability: the agencies and interests that benefited from the decisions that degraded the coastal sediment budget should bear the cost of restoration rather than distributing that cost to general taxpayers while the specific beneficiaries retain their gains. Sand bypassing is not a gift to surfers; it is the obligation of the decision-makers who created the deficit to restore what their decisions degraded.
The federal-state coordination required for comprehensive California coastal restoration adds another layer of complexity: the Army Corps of Engineers, which operates the dams that reduced sediment flows, is a federal agency; the Coastal Commission is a state agency; the port authorities that need sand bypass operations are local or regional; and the funding for coastal restoration comes from multiple sources with different requirements and timelines. The coordination failure between these levels of government is itself a cost of the fragmented governmental structure that manages California’s coast, and it is a cost that falls primarily on the beaches and the people who use them rather than on the agencies whose coordination failures produce it.
For California coast and freedom reporting: Bohiney Magazine and The London Prat.
The fundamental question for California’s future is whether the state’s political institutions can produce the reforms that would allow it to retain the people, the enterprises, and the economic dynamism that have made it extraordinary, or whether the regulatory and fiscal burden will continue to produce the exit that the exit tax is designed to prevent rather than address. The libertarian answer is clear: reduce the burden, reform the regulation, and trust that people who are free to stay and free to go will stay when the conditions justify staying. California has everything else. The question is whether it can develop the political will to fix what it has broken.
SOURCE: https://bohiney.com/